Social Work Knowledge And Skills Analysis Social Work Essay Essay Example

Social Work Knowledge And Skills Analysis Social Work Essay Essay This essay provides a critical analysis of a 10-minute AV entering transcript ( appendix 1 ) of an interview with a service user in a fake function drama. This is non a existent interview, but portion of a pupil assignment. All names used in this recording transcript are fabricated and therefore there are no issues refering confidentiality. The essay comprises two parts. In Part 1, Kolb s Learning Cycle ( Kolb, 1984 ) will be utilised to reflect upon the interview. In Part 2, the ASPIRE Model ( Parker and Bradley, 2003 ) will be utilised to sketch how farther work with this service user would be approached. Kolb s Learning Cycle and the ASPIRE Model will both be briefly outlined within the appropriate subdivision. Part 1: Contemplation and Critical Analysis Kolb s Learning Cycle, which will be used to reflect upon and critically analyze the interview, comprises four phases of larning from experience: Concrete Experience ( i.e. active engagement in an experience ) ; Brooding Observation ( i.e. reviewing and reflecting on the experience ) ; Abstract Conceptualisation ( i.e. concluding and acquisition from the experience ) ; and, Active Experimentation ( i.e. planning and seeking what has been learned ) . Each of these phases will be used in this contemplation and review. Concrete Experience We will write a custom essay sample on Social Work Knowledge And Skills Analysis Social Work Essay specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Social Work Knowledge And Skills Analysis Social Work Essay specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Social Work Knowledge And Skills Analysis Social Work Essay specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer A fake function drama interview was conducted with Paul Jones, a 60-year old who contacted the grownup societal work squad to discourse the possibility of some aid. Paul is the exclusive carer of his 92-year old male parent, James. Paul has been happening it progressively hard to care for James, who spends all twenty-four hours on the couch and does non even travel upstairs to his bed at dark. James became this manner shortly after the decease of his girl 1-month antecedently. She died of malignant neoplastic disease non long after Paul and James lost Paul s female parent and James married woman to a bosom onslaught, 6-months antecedently. Their lone relation is Paul s boy, who lives up North and is unable to see on a regular basis. The full instance survey can be found in appendix 2. Brooding Observation The intent of the interview was to work collaboratively with Paul in set uping his current demands. With the exclusion of the beginning of the interview when I was nervous and happening background noise distracting, I communicated in a clear and gracious mode. These accomplishments are of import when set uping resonance with a service user, puting the foundations to develop common regard and trust ( Koprowska, 2005 ) . After some debuts and the scene of boundaries sing confidentiality, I placed the interview docket into Paul s control with the appropriate usage of the open-ended inquiry, What has bought you here today? By recognizing the power instability nowadays between societal workers and service users, I was aware to cut down the oppressive impact of hierarchy ( Dalrymple and Burke, 2000 ) . The inquiry did, nevertheless, seem to faze Paul and he passed the inquiry back by inquiring Well, I m non certain how much you know? I informed him that I do cognize a small spot. . . and so gently encouraged him to supply me with some more information. On contemplation, I should hold clarified with Paul why needed the information once more ( i.e. to corroborate truth of inside informations ) . He was clearly uncomfortable with reiterating the information, perchance due to a old opposition to seeking outside aid. I was focused on arousing information from Paul first-hand to forestall any premises being made, but should hold adapted my attack based on Paul s demands. A cardinal strength within the interview was the effectual usage of empathetic apprehension, which appeared to set Paul at easiness. Statements such as, This must hold been a really hard clip for you and appropriate usage of oculus contact and organic structure linguistic communication conveyed empathy, congruity ( genuineness ) , and unconditioned positive respect. These are three core conditions required in person-centred guidance ( Rogers, 1980 ) . I feel that by using these accomplishments within the interview, Paul was able to talk openly about his concerns. Indeed, grounds suggests that congruity supports anti-oppressive pattern by easing the development of a partnership ( Miller, 2006 ) . Paul sought aid under the premiss that it was for James, but with the appropriate usage of open-ended and closed inquiries it was established that he needed aid excessively. The demands of the carer are far excessively frequently overlooked within societal attention ( Herring, 2006 ) , but I ensured I gained a balanced accretion of information on both Paul and James in order to set up both of their demands. Systems Theory ( Bronfenbrenner, 1977 ) purports that in order to understand an person, they need to be assessed in footings of their interactions with their environment and within their relationships. By the terminal of the interview, a shared apprehension had been reached, every bit good as a program of action in footings of set uping a place visit and reaching Citizen s Advice to discourse fiscal concerns. Therefore, the initial purpose of the interview was met. Abstract Conceptualisation When discoursing his jobs, Paul was really unfastened and extroverted, as was facilitated by the usage of non-verbal encouragers such as nodding and tilting somewhat frontward to demo involvement ( Seden, 1999 ) . He was, nevertheless, resistant to foster outside aid such as from his GP or a counselor. I was careful non to judge Paul on this and to remind myself that there are a figure of grounds why he might be immune ( e.g. old negative experiences with wellness professionals ; household belief systems, etc. ) . Interestingly Paul did portion that James would besides be immune to outside aid, bespeaking the possibility that seeking aid is non portion of the household belief system. It was of import that I did non oppress Paul or James by sabotaging their duties for the picks they make ( Dominelli, 2002, p.47 ) . On contemplation, I should hold been more understanding of Paul s troubles accepting aid and adjusted my attack consequently. In peculiar, if I was to carry on this interview once more, I would alter the manner I responded to Paul s concerns that, I am merely worried that I am traveling to lose it with my pa and I frequently find things shuting in on me. . . I should hold probed these concerns farther, as has been highlighted in my feedback, in order to set up whether Paul was a danger to himself or James. One of the cardinal functions within the National Occupational Standards for Social Work is to Manage hazard to persons, households, carers, groups, communities, ego and co-workers ( GSCC, 2002, p.12 ) . Paul s feelings of desperation were mentioned on more than one juncture and, on contemplation, I should hold detected this as a possible hazard factor. I feel I was effectual in my usage of paraphrasing, as used to clear up issues and show active hearing. However, greater usage of summarizing might hold facilitated communicating and ensured that information provided by Paul was being interpreted harmonizing to his ain subjective experiences ( Seden, 1999 ) . I will endeavor to develop these accomplishments throughout my preparation. Mentions Bronfenbrenner, U. , 1977. Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American Psychologist, 32, pp.513-530. Dalrymple, J. and Burke, B. , 1995. Anti-oppressive Practice: Social Care and the Law. Buckingham: Open University Press. Dominelli, L. , 2002. Anti-Oppressive Social Work Theory and Practice. Palgrave Macmillan. General Social Care Council, 2002. The National Occupational Standards for Social Work. Topss England, April 2004. Herring, J. , 2006. Where are the carers in health care jurisprudence and moralss? Legal Studies, 27 ( 1 ) , pp. 51-73. Kolb, D.A. , 1984. Experiential Learning experience as a beginning of larning and development . New Jersey: Prentice Hall Koprowska, J. , 2005. Communication and interpersonal accomplishments in societal work. Exeter: Learning Matters Miller, L. , 2006. Reding Skills for Social Work. London: Sage Publications. Parker, J. and Bradley, G. , 2003. Social Work Practice: Appraisal, Planning, Intervention, and Review. Exeter: Learning Matters. Rogers, C.R. , 1980. A manner of being. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Seden, J. , 1999. Reding accomplishments in societal work pattern. Buckingham: Open University Press. Part 2 Further Work with the Jones Family The acronym ASPIRE represents the societal work procedure of Assess, Plan, Intervene, Review, and Evaluate, which enables the geographic expedition of successfully operationalising a program made with a service user ( Parker and Bradley, 2003 ) . Adopting this model besides encapsulates the 4th phase of Kolb s Learning Cycle: Active Experimentation. Importantly, supervising would be required in any interviews since I am a freshly qualified Social Worker. Furthermore, the part of regular and high quality supervising in the societal work profession has been emphasised ( Crippling, 2009 ) . If the instance of the Jones household was allocated to me after this initial appraisal, I would take an eclectic attack, utilizing the ASPIRE model to steer intercession bringing. An eclectic attack would be adopted in order to guarantee that Paul and James single demands were taken into consideration. I would be unable to place the most appropriate attack to utilize without first meeting with James, therefore an eclectic attack would ease flexibleness between service user demands. Assessment would take topographic point within the place, therefore following a person-in-environment position ( Kemp et al. , 1997 ) . Importantly, supervising would be required in any interviews since I am a freshly qualified Social Worker. Systems Theory posits that in order to understand a service user, their ecological system needs to be taken into consideration ( Bronfenbrenner, 1977 ) . This includes their microsystem ( i.e. immediate relationships ) , mesosystem ( i.e. different parts of the microsystem working together ) , exosystem ( i.e. systems that the person is non straight portion of but that affects them ) , macrosystem ( i.e. the larger societal universe, such as authorities and civilization ) , and their chronosystem ( i.e. a system of alteration ) . The principle for using this theory is that the current jobs experienced by Paul and James appear to be related to recent alterations within his microsystem. This includes the loss of two household members, altering wel lness position ( i.e. James has gained weight, has emphysema, and is going less nomadic ) , altering functions ( i.e. Paul is now exclusive carer to James ) , and a alteration in their relationship. Bell ( 2003 ) asserts that it is easier to understand an person s behavior in the scene in which it occurs, which is the attack I feel most appropriate within this scenario. Family relationships are complex and competently described by Dallos ( 1991 ) as, The kernel of household life is that it is complex and altering and that alone state of affairss and combinations of demands continually originate ( p.7 ) . Therefore, effectual support for single members requires the use of theory and cognition that assesses their demands within the household context. An apprehension of demands and resources is of import when working from the systems position, an apprehension which the theory itself lacks to underscore ( Coady and Lehman, 2008 ) . For the Jones household, demands within their life include mourning, deteriorating wellness, and fiscal concerns. In footings of resources, they are reasonably stray and, despite originating this interview, they are both immune to outside aid, which besides limits their resources. This provides the principle for using a Task-Centered, job work outing attack in the intervening phase of the ASPIRE model. The grounds suggests that such an attack is appropriate for covering with household jobs, new functions, and unwellness or mourning ( Reid, 1978 ) . Paul mentioned a figure of jobs, both personally and in relation to James, and therefore easing him to place the cause of these jobs would be a utile enterprise in assisting him undertake them. By utilizing a job work outing attack within a collaborative partn ership with the household, I would expect that it would heighten their capacity to cover with future jobs if they were to originate ( Germain and Gitterman, 1996, p.139 ) . In bend, educating Paul on the usage of job resolution schemes would move to forestall farther subjugation by supplying him with tools he can use in other countries of his life ( Coulshed and Orne, 1998 ) . A job I identified during the function drama, but which would necessitate to be confirmed via a shared reading with Paul and James, is that Paul could accidentally be conspiring with James detachment. For illustration, by go forthing his tiffin next to the couch so that he does non hold to travel, Paul is making dependence. Thompson ( 2001 ) suggests that when working with carers, it is of import non to promote them in a function that could ensue in dependence and therefore farther oppress the individual being cared for. This would necessitate to be attended to sensitively and without doing offense to Paul. One such manner of accomplishing this is via the job work outing attack to assist Paul recognize this for himself. Indeed, alteration is easier if the waies that professionals and users wish to follow coincide ( Dominelli, 2002, p.25 ) . In working with Paul and James, great consideration would be needed in footings of mourning. It sounds like James might be sing depression associated with one of the purported phases of mourning ( Kubler-Ross, 1989 ) . In add-on, Paul might be in the choler phase or perchance unable to treat his feelings due to the emphasis of taking attention of his male parent and worrying about fundss. Their current jobs are likely to impede them both making a period of restoration orientation, where they can concentrate on constructing their hereafter after their loss ( Worden, 2003 ) . In order to ease a move towards Restoration orientation, I would work with the strengths possessed by Paul and James to guarantee anti-oppressive focal point is maintained ( Parker and Bradley, 2003 ) . There has been some review to Systems Theory, including that it lacks theoretical and empirical support in pattern state of affairss ( Healy, 2005 ) . Overall, nevertheless, the intent of the theory is to work with service users in a manner that enhances and strengthens their abilities to accommodate and work out jobs, which finally provides long-run results instead than short-run solutions. The cardinal function of societal work, as agreed internationally, is the publicity of societal alteration, job resolution in human relationships and the authorization and release of people to heighten well-being ( GSCC, 2002, p.12 ) , and I anticipate that the theories and attacks outlined supra would ease the authorization and release of the Jones household. In order to efficaciously run into the demands of the Jones household, it will be indispensable to carry on the reappraisal and rating phase of the ASPIRE theoretical account in order to supply closing, implement any extra intercessions, and develop my ain accomplishments and abilities through contemplation and critical analysis.

MBA project by Chetan Akhare Essays

MBA project by Chetan Akhare Essays MBA project by Chetan Akhare Essay MBA project by Chetan Akhare Essay Except for the strong will bestowed by almighty to pursue the study with patience and sincerity I would have not been able to complete it. I am grateful to our director Dry Sandy Chording, Proof. D. P. Visionary my mentor Mr.. Saran, Mr.. Vicar Hate for all the support given during data collection which has precisely assisted my accomplishment. I am also thankful to my family and my friends without whom it wouldnt have been possible to complete this research. I sincerely thank all the people who knowingly or unknowingly helped me in the work. Mauritius revenues totaled approximately 73. 3 billion rupees in 2009-2010. Its operating profit as of 2009-2010 is 75 billion rupees while its net profit comes to 6. 8 billion rupees. The company has two manufacturing facilities located at Surgeon ND Amnesia, south of New Delhi, India, which have an annual combined capability to produce over a 12 lash (12, 00,000) passenger car units. The company is planning to invest 17 billion rupees in the Amnesia plant.. Marti is known for its hatchback cars, especially the Marti 800. Other popular hatchback models include the Marti Zen and the Alto. It offers fourteen brands and over one hundred and fifty variants Marti 800, Omni, EEOC, Alto, Alto-SKI, A-star, Wagons, Swift, Ritz and Still, Gypsy, SUB Grand Vital, sedans SEX and Swift Dizzier. Marti Suzuki introduced factory fitted CNN option on 5 models across vehicle segments. These include EEOC, Alto, Still, Wagon R and Sex. Marti Suzuki has employee strength over 7,600 (as at end March 2010). In 2009-10, the company sold a record units including 1,47,575 units which we exported primarily to Europe, the remaining 870,790 sold in India. In the third quarter of 2009-2010, the company sold 258, 026 units. Thus, in March 2010, Marti Suzuki had an India market share of 53. 3 per cent of the Indian passenger car market of 16, 33,752 passenger car units. Marti Suzuki will be investing around RSI. 1,250 core (RSI 12. 5 billion) on capacity expansion of the K-series engines between 2010 and 2012. The expanded annual capacity will be over 7 lash units from the present 5 lash units of K-series engine cars. This will be a progressive investment to be completed by 2012. It has a sales network is 802 centers in 555 towns and cities across India. The customer service support network comprises of 2,740 workshops in over 1 ,335 towns and cities. In 2008, Marti Suzuki India Limited, unveiled a National Road Safety Mission under which it would train 500,000 people in safe driving in 3 years at 61 Marti Driving Schools and 4 Institutes of Driving Training and Research (DIRT) in Delhi, Durance and Fedora. History of Marti In 1981, Marti was launched. The company was started by the Government of India and was initially called Marti Technical Services Private Limited. The first Managing Director of the company was Sandy Gandhi, late-Indian Prime Minister During the period of 1985 to 1996, a few other significant developments took place including Suzuki taking up 50% stake in Marti, leading to a 50-50 Joint venture between Marti and the Government of India and over 60 per cent of its parts being produced in India leading to lower costs of production as the parts didnt have to be imported from abroad. When asked why Suzuki was chosen as the partner of this established corporation, the chairman of Marti, Mr.. R. C Braggart said that the company went to Japan and none of the companies out of Ionians, Mediumistic and Dadaists were ready to bring 40 per cent equity in India. Suzuki was the only company which agreed to bring 26 per cent equity in India and raise it to 40 per cent thereafter. The first car that the company produced was a four-door Marti 800 and the second car that the company produced was a Multi-legality Vehicle called the Omni. Between 1994 and 1996 Marti released the Esteem, the Gypsy, the Omni, the Gypsy King, Zen and Esteem. It also opened a second plant in Amnesia whose capacity at the time of opening was units. In 2000 Marti launched a call center. This was the first time a car company had ever launched a call center in India. In this year, Marti setup a website for its Wagon-R car, introduced a new model of the Zen, got the RITE National Award for its safety initiative, traffic management and environment protection, launched the Baleen and the Wagon R with electric power steering, Joined hands with Summits for providing after-sales service and introduced the Suzuki Alto. The Surgeon plant ad stopped production due to a strike by the employees. Marti introduced its first CNN car in 2001. In the same year Marti invested 550 core rupees in manufacturing cars. In 2002, Marti launched Marti Finance to offer financial services like extended warranty and finance for car insurance. It also hiked its car prices and launched the Versa. This was a good year for Marti in exports as it produced 16,000 cars for an order to Europe. In the next few years Marti got into collaboration with various companies to launch car-selling schemes. They partnered with State Bank of India to launch a chem. where each branch of the bank would sell a Marti car. The company also tied-up with Reliance Industries Limited for lease and fleet management. This was the same year Kumar Mangle Barilla Joined Marti as an independent director. From 2005 2007 Marti became the market leader of Indian cars and in 2006 unveiled the new Wagon-R in Punjab. In 2007, Marti launched the SEX sedan. Mission To provide a wide range of modern, high quality fuel efficient vehicles in order to meet the need of different customers, both in domestic and export markets. To provide maximum value for money to their customers through mutinous improvement of products and services. Marti has a network of 391 sales outlets across 230 cities all over India. The service network covers 1,113 towns and cities, bolstered by 2,142 authorized services out lets. The companys change in strategy and emphasis on developing effective marketing communications was Vision The leader in the India Automobile Industry, Creating Customer Delight and Shareholders Wealth; A pride of India We must be an internationally competitive company in terms of our products and services.

Barack Obama - Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Joint Press Conference

Barack Obama Joint Press Conference with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi delivered 14 November 2014, Rangoon, Burma Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: I Im sorry if weve kept you waiting. Let me just begin by saying what a great pleasure it is for me to welcome President Obama again to my house, and to be able to meet all of you.I would just like to say that there have been those who have been saying that there is tension between the United States and the National League for Democracy or perhaps with me. I would like to make quite clear that the friendship between the United States and those who have been struggling for democracy in Burma is a very strong one. We may view things differently from time to time but it will in no way affect our friendship. And I have absolute confidence that the United States will continue to support us with regard to the democratic transformation and that when Burma becomes a fully functioning democracy in accordance with the will of the people, we will be able to say that among those friends who enabled us to get there, the United States was among the first. So please dont think please dont worry that there will be any problems between the United States and those working for democracy in Burma. We all believe in the same values. We all believe in the same principles. We may sometimes think that there are different ways of getting to the goal that we wish to achieve, but these differences are part of the democratic tradition. Democracy allows people to have different views, and democracy makes it also makes us also responsible for negotiating an answer to those views. I would like all of you to feel welcome in this country, and I would all like all of you to feel that you can join us in hoping for better days. But at the same time, I always warn against over-optimism because that could lead to complacency. Our reform process is going through, let’s us say, a bumpypatch. But this bumpy patch is something that we can negotiate with commitment and with the help and understanding of our friends from all over the world. So let us not exaggerate the differences, the difficulties. But at the same time, let us not exaggerate the rosy picture either. What we need is a healthy balance between optimism and pessimism. We need to view the the situation for what it was. But at the same time, we all have to be confident that we will get there we will get where we want to get to, because that’s what our people want. In the end, it’s the people of Burma who will decide where this country is going to and which way and how and when. So we accept responsibility for the fate of our country, but at the same time we welcome the support and the help of our friends. And we always appreciate them very greatly. Thank you. Barack Obama: Well, good afternoon, everybody. Mingalaba. It is wonderful to be back in Rangoon and to once more have the opportunity to spend time with Aung San Suu Kyi. As we know, it was in this house that she endured years of confinement never giving up hope, never wavering in her determination to build a free and democratic Burma. Daw Suu, you helped set this country on a better path. I’m grateful for your friendship and for the hospitality that you’ve shown in opening your home up not only to me, but to all these people. 3:46 When I made my first historic visit to Burma, this country was just taking preliminary steps towards democracy. And in the past two years, important changes have been made. The economy has begun to grow. Political prisoners have been set free. There are more newspapers and media outlets. Children have been released from the military. And these are all important changes that have opened up greater opportunity for the people of Burma. At the same time, as Aung San Suu Kyi just said, it’s clear how much hard work remains to be done and that many difficult choices still lie ahead. The process for reform is by no means complete or irreversible. For many, progress has not come fast enough or spread far enough. People need to feel safe in their homes and not be subject to arbitrary harassment by authorities or individuals acting with impunity. People need to be empowered to pursue their dreams. And as Burma approaches important national elections next year, it will be critical to ensure that all of Burma’s people can participate in shaping the future of their country. As a member of parliament and the head of the rule of law committee, Aung San Suu Kyi is working hard to make government more transparent, more accountable, to protect the rights of all the Burmese people, to promote reforms that would expand the political space for more people to contribute their voices. But implementing the major political and economic reforms that are necessary to keep Burma advancing toward democracy is going to take a great deal of political will and no small amount of determination. And we, as friends of the Burmese people, are clear-eyed about the scale of the challenges that remain, and recognize that we cannot remain complacent. Today, Daw Suu and I had a wide-ranging discussion about how the United States can help facilitate and bolster Burma’s democratic transition. We talked about the need for stronger rule of law, for elections that are free, fair and inclusive, and for continued constitutional changes that will move Burma more fully towards a civilian government. We spoke about how we can work together to promote national reconciliation and defuse sectarian tensions among Burma’s diverse ethnic groups. Specifically, I stressed the need to find durable and effective solutions for the terrible violence in Rakhine state solutions that end discrimination, provide greater security and economic opportunities, protect all citizens, and promote greater tolerance and understanding. Strengthening human rights protections for all of Burma’s people is an essential step to realizing the vision we share for the future of this beautiful country. The last time I stood here, I made a pledge to the people of Burma that if we continued to see progress toward reform, the ties between our countries would grow stronger, and the United States would continue to do whatever it could to help ensure Burma’s success. Over the last two years, I think we’ve made good on that pledge, and I want to reiterate the commitment to match continued reforms with greater support and friendships in the future. We’re committed to working directly with the people of Burma, and not just the government. So later today, I’m looking forward to speaking with representatives of Burma’s civil society groups and with young leaders from Burma and all across Southeast Asia who are working to create greater opportunities for themselves and for future generations. I think these new voices are going to be critical to making sure that reforms are sustainable and meaningful to people across the country and across the region. So, Daw Suu, thank you again for welcoming us here today. We continue to look to you for inspiration as well as resolve, and I know that you will continue to be a fierce advocate on behalf of the people of Burma, a future of democracy, and I know that you will be a strong partner with the United States. Thank you. Questions? Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: Who’s speaking? Barack Obama: I’ll go first. Christi Parsons. Q: You have been traveling in countries with long histories of repressing freedom of expression and censorship. And it was interesting yesterday that President Xi seemed to be saying that reporters who have problems have themselves to blame. And so I wonder to what extent you feel the need to contend with these ideas with leaders in this region as you travel. And what do you say to them? And by way of example, I might ask you Attorney General Eric Holder says no journalist will go to prison for doing his or her job, on his watch. And so I ask about the case of James Risen, the journalist who is facing this prosecution for not revealing his source in a leak prosecution. I wonder if that’s are you speaking specifically about this case, and is that your position as well? And if I may, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ask you how concerned are you about the violence against ethnic minorities in your country, and specifically the Rohingya people? And what do you believe is your responsibility to speak out about it? Thank you very much. Barack Obama: The issue of press freedom is a constant concern in my interactions with the Chinese government. It’s an issue that I’ve raised with the President here in Burma. I’m pretty blunt and pretty frank about the fact that societies that repress journalists ultimately oppress people as well, and that if you want a society that is free and vibrant and successful, part of that formula is the free flow of information, of ideas, and that requires a free press. That is part of our tradition. As I explained to President Xi in China, it’s in our DNA. We believe in the primacy individuals being able to pursue their dreams, endowed with certain inalienable rights. And we believe that when governments censor or control information, that ultimately that undermines not only the society, but it leads to eventual encroachments on individual rights as well. I cant comment, Christi, on any particular pending case, as you know thats sort of an iron-clad rule or any particular prosecution. I can read back to you what Attorney General Holder has said, which is no journalist is going to go to jail for doing their job. And I dont think youre suggesting that theres that the two cases are comparable. But I recognize that in our own society we have to constantly balance the need for certain national security issues to remain secret with journalists pursuing leads wherever they can. And the good news is, is that weve got courts and weve got a First Amendment. And we got a whole bunch of tools to ensure that that balance is properly debated and adjudicated. But I think that when I am traveling, it is important as the President of the United States to not just talk about our interests, but also to talk about our values. Sometimes it has an impact; sometimes it doesnt. Although I was impressed that Mark Landler got an answer to his question from President Xi. It might not have been the one he was expecting, but he did end up taking the question. So you just keep on chipping away and seeing if we can make progress. Q: [Off-mic inaudible] Barack Obama: Hold on a second, Christi. Dont try to segue into a second question. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: I think I better take over because Ive got to have my time as well. Barack Obama: There you go. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: The National League for Democracy always has been against violence of any kind, either on racial grounds, or religious grounds, or ideological grounds. We do not believe that violence really resolves anything at all. Our struggle for democracy has been carried out with a strong grasp on the principle of nonviolence. And also, we believe in the rule of law. So if you ask how do we propose to resolve all of these problems of violence between communities, between different ethnic groups, weve got to start with rule of law. People have to feel secure before they can start talking to one another. We cannot achieve harmony without security. People who feel threatened are not going to sit down and sort out their problems. So I would like to recommend, as the chair of the Rule of Law and Tranquility Committee dont forget that tranquility is also included that the government should look to rule of law. It is the duty of the government to make all our people feel secure, and it is the duty of our people to learn to live in harmony with one another. If we want democracy, we have to be prepared to live by the principles of democracy. We have to dare to live according to the principles of democracy. I think well get there, but it will take us some time. But we will remain fully committed to the principle of nonviolence. Q: [inaudible] Mr. President, Id like to know about the Myanmar reforms. Youve been talking with the President and parliament speakers, and also youre going to talk with the civil societies group, and then youth. So my direct question to you is that: Have you got any specific agreement with the Myanmar government or President Thein Sein about Myanmar reforms such as constitutional change, and peace negotiation, peace process, and also 2015 general election? And also to Daw Aung San Sui Kyi, you have got a one-hour discussion with the President, and at the current political situation, as you said, it’s a bumpy situation. So if you didnt make amendment, or you didnt change constitution, the NLD and you, yourself, is going to be very difficult after 2015 elections. So have you talked about those issues with the President? Or the President talk to you about U.S. support for you? Thank you. Barack Obama: Well, the issue of making sure that reforms and the transition is fully realized was the main topic of our conversation and the main topic of my conversation with the President last night. As I indicated before, there are signs of progress. We shouldnt deny that Burma today is not the same as Burma five years ago. But the process is still incomplete. And I was very specific with the President in terms of how we will measure whether or not the transition has been fully realized. Number one, we expect elections to take place on time. We do not want to see delays, because its time for the voice of the people of Burma to be heard in a fair, free, transparent election. Number two, I indicated to the President that the constitution amendment process needs to reflect inclusion rather than exclusion, that there are certain provisions in the Burmese constitution that objectively dont make much sense. Ultimately, what changes are made are up to the people of Burma. But, for example, I dont understand a provision that would bar somebody from running for President because of who their children are. That doesnt make much sense to me. Number three, we are very much in favor of the peace process, and I encourage the President to move forward in the negotiations. He expressed some optimism about the ability to bring a deal to a conclusion. But as Daw Suu has indicated, you have to be skeptical until its actually done. Number four, I indicated that we are paying attention to how religious minorities are treated in this country. Now, I recognize the complexities of the situation in Rakhine state. On the other hand, consistent with what Daw Suu just said, I am a firm believer that any legitimate government has to be based on rule of law and a recognition that all people are equal under the law. And discrimination against the Rohingya or any other religious minority I think does not express the kind of country that Burma over the long term wants to be. And I know of no successful democracy in which sectarian or religious divisions are allowed to fester, or the people of different faiths are treated as second-class citizens. Ultimately, that is destabilizing to a democracy. And finally, I expressed to the President the need to continue to make additional progress on basic issues of freedom and personal security, that journalists cant be jailed simply because they were critical of the government; that arbitrary arrests or individuals being in some fashion abused by government with impunity rather than being respected and treated in accordance with law, that thats a test of whether or not a society is moving towards a genuine democratic process. And the President yesterday acknowledged that some progress has been made, and there was more to do. And our position will be to continue to measure whats happening on the ground, to consult with a wide range of groups here in Burma. We will strengthen our relationship where we see progress. Where we don’t see progress, then we will continue to express our concerns, and we will not be able to fully realize the kind of bilateral relationship that we want to have with Burma, the Burmese government, until we’ve seen some of these reforms completed. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: Well, you asked whether its going to be fruitful for the NLD to win the elections if the amendments to the constitution are not pushed through. I think it’s too early to ask this question. We’ve just spent one afternoon debating the question of constitutional amendment. I think perhaps some of you may have heard that proportional representation is not going to be instituted. So when we started defending [inaudible] system against proportional representation, there were many who said to us, you are a very small minority in the legislature; how can you hope to win this case? It’s not a matter of wanting to win a case, it’s a matter of standing up for what you believe in, for what you believe is necessary for the future of our country. Now we are asking for a constitutional amendment not because we’re trying to win a case, but because we think that certain amendments are necessary if this country is to be a truly functioning democracy in line with the will of the people. Because of that, we will persist in our efforts to have the constitution amended in the right way and within the framework of the law. I’ve always put great emphasis on this because I want peace and tranquility in our country. I want our people to learn to live under the rule of law, and to support and uphold the importance of the rule of law. So with regard to the constitution, we know that the people support our wish to amend it in certain ways, and we are prepared to negotiate with those who do not wish to amend the constitution. I think that’s what democracy is all about. We need a culture of negotiated compromise as the foundation for our democratic union. So we would like to it’s not just a matter of debating the case in parliament and winning Brownie points or Boy Scout points, or whatever they’re called. But it’s just a case of standing up for what we think our country needs. And we would like to talk to those who disagree with us. That, again, is what democracy is about. You talk to those who disagree with you; you don’t beat them down. You exchange views. And you come to a compromise, a settlement that would be best for the country. I’ve always said that dialogues and debates are not aimed at achieving victory for one particular party or the other, but victory for our people as a whole. Whatever we decide on should be seen as a victory for our nation, for the kind of democratic union that we have been trying to build up for decades. So please don’t worry about whether or not we will win the elections in 2015. Of course, any party wants to win the elections. I’m sure the President will tell you that. But winning is not everything it’s how you win. I’d rather lose than win in the wrong way. And that is the way I want our party and our people to approach the problems that we have to tackle that we want to win in the right way. We want to bring the changes of the constitution about in the right way. We want to build up a strong foundation for national reconciliation, which means reconciliation not just between the different ethnic groups and between different religious groups, but between different ideas for example, between the idea of military supremacy and the idea of civilian authority over the military, which is the foundation of democracy. So we want to exchange views and to come to an understanding with all those who at this moment do not yet agree with us. And we are confident that we can come to such a settlement, come to such an agreement because, after all, I do believe that what all of us want is what is best for the country as a whole not just for particular individuals or groups or organizations. So while I tell you that you need not worry about what affects amendment or non-amendment to the constitution might have on the elections, I might as well ask you to vote for us when we do get there. Barack Obama: Pete Maer. Q: Mr. President, it seems the stage is set for even more confrontations between you and Republicans when you get home, if that’s possible. We’re told that you’re soon going to sign the immigration reform executive order. To what extent are you concerned about a Republican backlash from an action of that magnitude? And on two other issues, I’m wondering what your take is on the plan to pass a bill to build the Keystone pipeline that’s in the works now, before the State Department’s review process is over. And Senator McConnell is angry over the climate deal that you had made with China. How does all of this square with your post-election assessment that people want to, as you put it, get stuff done? And if I may also pose a question to you, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Thank you for hosting all of us here from the White House media corps. As the President mentioned of the constitutional barring of you running in your country’s election, what do you think the impact will be from the President’s statement that was made here today on his strong opposition to that constitutional wording? And what impact do you think it will have on the government here? And is there anything more that you’d like to see him do? Thank you. Barack Obama: Pete, the day after the election I said that there are going to be areas of agreement between me and Republicans, and there are going to be areas of disagreement. There are going to be actions I take they don’t like, and there are going to be bills they pass that I don’t like. And I think, moving forward, that’s exactly what’s going to happen. You’ve mentioned areas where we disagree. I believe that America is a nation of immigrants. Everybody agrees that the system is broken. There has been ample opportunity for Congress to pass a bipartisan immigration bill that would strengthen our borders, improve the legal immigration system, lift millions of people out of the shadows so they are paying taxes and getting right by the law. It passed out of the Senate. I gave the House over a year to go ahead and at least give a vote to the Senate bilaterally; they failed to do so. And I indicated to Speaker Boehner several months ago that if, in fact, Congress failed to act, I would use all the lawful authority that I possess to try to make the system work better. And that’s going to happen. That’s going to happen before the end of the year. But what I’ve also said to them and I said this during the lunch with the Speaker and Leader McConnell is that I am always interested in negotiating a legislative solution to the immigration problem, and that the minute they pass a bill that I can sign that fixes our immigration system, then any executive actions I take are replaced. So they have the ability to fix the system. What they don’t have the ability to do is to expect me to stand by with a broken system in perpetuity. And I would advise that if, in fact, they want to take a different approach, rather than devote a lot of time trying to constrain my lawful actions as the Chief Executive of the U.S. government in charge of our enforcing our immigration laws, that they spend some time passing a bill and engaging with all the stakeholders, the immigrant rights groups, the law enforcement groups, the evangelicals, the business community, all of whom have said this is something that needs to be done, is way overdue. And we’ve been talking about it for 10 years now, and it’s been consistently stalled. So with respect to Keystone, I’ve been clear in the past, Pete, my position hasn’t changed, that this is a process that is supposed to be followed. Right now you have a case pending in Nebraska, where the pipeline would run through, in which a state court judge has questioned the plan. And until we know what the route is, it’s very hard to finish that evaluation. And I don’t think we should short-circuit that process. I have also noted that, as policy matter, my government believes that we should judge this pipeline based on whether or not it accelerates climate change or whether it helps the American people with their energy costs and their gas prices. And I have to constantly push back against this idea that somehow the Keystone pipeline is either this massive jobs bill for the United States, or is somehow lowering gas prices. Understand what this project is. It is providing the ability of Canada to pump their oil, send it through our land, down to the Gulf, where it will be sold everywhere else. That doesnt have an impact on U.S. gas prices. You know what does have an impact on U.S. gas prices is the incredible boom in U.S. oil production and natural gas production thats taken place under my administration. And if my Republican friends really want to focus on whats good for the American people in terms of job creation and lower energy costs, we should be engaging in a conversation about what are we doing to produce even more homegrown energy. Im happy to have that conversation. With respect to the climate change deal, I have been very clear that I have responsibilities as President not just to current generations, but to future generations. The science is indisputable. The planet is getting warm, and it is getting warmer in part because of man-made activity. And the release of carbon gases carbon dioxide and greenhouse gases into the atmosphere can have a potentially devastating effect that will cost our country, could devastate communities, could increase the impact of natural disasters, and will have an impact worldwide that is destabilizing and could affect our national security. Thats not my opinion, by the way, that is the opinion of our Joint Chiefs of Staff, that climate change is a direct national security threat. Now the argument that Ive received in the past has been either denial of the science or, alternatively, theres no point in us doing something about it despite us being one of the two largest emitters in the world, because if we do something and China doesnt do anything, well just put ourselves at a competitive disadvantage, well lose jobs to China, and the problem wont be solved anyway. Im not going deny the science, but I took seriously the notion that we want all countries to participate in solving a global problem. And so I engaged with China over a lengthy set of negotiations. And by all independent accounts, for the first time, we got China to make a very serious commitment to constrain its greenhouse gases. Why would anybody be against that? That sounds like the right thing to do to me. So thats a response to those specific ideas. But let me reiterate what I said at the top. The fact that I disagree or Republicans disagree with me on a certain set of issues doesnt exclude us working together on a whole range of issues where we do agree. Theyre interested in tax reform so am I. Lets get to work. Theyre interested in promoting trade that will create jobs and opportunity for U.S. workers and U.S. businesses all over it. Its part of what this Asia trip has been all about. Theyre interested in rebuilding our roads, our bridges, our ports, our airports, putting people back to work, making sure were competitive Im game. So the one thing that I think is going to be important for us to have a successful partnership over the next couple of years is not making disagreements on a single issue suddenly a deal-breaker on every issue. Democracy can never work that way because there are always going to be some differences. And when there are differences you cant elevate those differences above the commonalities. Im sorry that was a long answer, but it was a lot of questions. Do you want to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: Im sorry the President cant get away from all those. Barack Obama: I know. But before Daw Suu responds to the point about the constitutional amendment, I just want to emphasize, ultimately its up to the people of Burma to make a decision about all these provisions. I expressed an objective view that some of current provisions dont seem to have much grounding in common sense or precedent when you look at other constitutions around the world, and seem more focused on advantaging or disadvantaging certain players. And one of the basic concepts of a constitution is that it creates a level playing field for all people, and then so I use that as an example not because I think my voice is the one thats most relevant in terms of the constitutional amendment process, but ultimately its up to the people of Burma. Q: [Off-mic.] Barack Obama: I did? It doesnt make much sense to me. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: I believe democracy should stand up for that principle. Barack Obama: Absolutely. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: Well, Ive always said that its somewhat flattering to have a constitution written with me in mind. But it shouldnt be done that way. Thats not how a democratic constitution should be written. And we object to that clause not because not because it debars me from the presidency as such, but because it is against the principle of democracy and also unconstitutional. The constitution says that all citizens should be treated as equals, and this is discrimination on the grounds of my children, my childrens spouses, et cetera, et cetera. Now, this is not acceptable. And our people are firmly behind us in our desire to change this clause. And if President Obama said anything about the necessity to change a clause like that, they will love him very much for it. So he will be very popular among our people. And as he said, in the end, it is up to our people to shape the destiny of our country, including the way the constitution is going to be rewritten. And I think the majority of our people understand that this constitution cannot stand as it is if we want to make the full transition to democracy; 59(f), as you know, debars anybody who is children of the spouses of the children belong to are citizens of another country. And according to the law and I think the President will know the law better than I do because Im not a lawyer according to the law, anybody who is over the age of 18, or whatever legal adult age may be in his or her country, is responsible for himself or herself. Nobody else is responsible for that person. So from that point of view also, you cannot penalize anybody for what his or her adult children do. From that point of view, its illegal, its against all norms of justice. And from the point of view of democracy, it is not right to discriminate against one particular citizen. You wouldnt like to be discriminated against, would you? So I think our people support the idea of amending this clause because not particularly because they want me to be president, perhaps because they do. But I dont think it is so much because of that, but because they realize that this is unfair, unjust and undemocratic. Q: Thank you. I am [inaudible] from 11 Media from Myanmar. And I wanted to ask the question to Mr. President. The question is, have you discussed about the [inaudible] situation in Myanmar [inaudible] president Thein Sein last night? Because more journalists than politicians have been arrested, particularly in [inaudible], under the present Thein Sein administration. And when you discuss about this, how did he respond to this discussion? Thank you. Barack Obama: I didnt bring up specific cases with him. I brought up a basic principle that I stated earlier, which is that a free press is a foundation for any democracy. We rely on journalists to explain and describe the actions of our government. If the government controls the journalists, then its very difficult for citizens to hold that government accountable. Its a fairly straightforward proposition. And I recognize that there is a transition process thats taking place, that there is a more robust debate today than there was the last time I visited. But to go back to what we said earlier, we cant be complacent. And we, as a government, are going to be troubled when we hear reports of journalists being imprisoned, being killed, being intimidated, or being censored. And when we engage with this government or any government and we have evidence that thats taking place, then were going to raise it. Thank you very much. Source: WhiteHouse.gov

Information technology project management Assignment

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Nuclear Power Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Nuclear Power - Assignment Example Nuclear power and hydropower are also used to supplement the fossil fuels. Oil is another source of energy that is presently used for running automobiles and for transportation purposes. While taking into consideration other sources of fuel, research has proven that the nuclear power is cleanest and safest source of energy and has the least adverse impact on the environment. In addition it uses uranium, which is more plentiful than the fossil fuels. Nuclear energy does not emanate any toxic gases or metals into the environment. It affects the ecosystem like the hydropower. Empirical research has proven that the nuclear wastes have less negative impact when compared to those caused by the silt in dams or produced by coal. More so, a pound of uranium can produce more than 20,000 times more power than that produced by a pound of coal (Miller, 2004). The nuclear plants produce by far less wastes than those produced by coal of the same quantity. The fossil fuels emit wastes in the atmosphere whereas nuclear wastes are disseminated into the non-radioactive synthetic rocks that are buried underground in remote areas, hence having limited chances of harming any living thing . The amount of nuclear power is unlimited when compared to other sources of fuel due to the big volume of uranium in the earth’s crust. Other sources of fuel like oil are likely to get exhausted, more so, most of the oil reserves are located at the golden triangle in the Persian Gulf. The area of the Persian Gulf is faced by many conflicts including the terror groups hence making extraction of oil very expensive and unreliable. When compared to the nuclear power, the solar power requires tax credits and government subsidies to make its power production viable. The wind power unfavorably affects the ecosystem by killing birds and other flying animals. Despite many people advocating for the use of wind power and solar power, they cause more harm to the environment than the nuclear or the

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Feminism Essay Feminist ideas of freedom suggest that outside social forces that are repressive can corrupt an individual’s desires and limits their thinking abilities. Jean Grimshaw was a feminist philosopher who analyzed this concept. Grimshaw with other feminists believed that these repressive forces come from male domination in society. Questions about the self are important to feminists because they are constantly trying to figure out a woman’s autonomy. Feminist philosophers have come up with many approaches to the self. Jean Grimshaw goes back to an argument from Aristotle. Aristotle questions what makes people do things voluntarily and out of free will. Aristotle says that that actions that originate from inside the self are desires or intentions and actions that originate from outside are not. Jean Grimshaw however questions whether those desires that come from outside are not really one’s own desires. There is a constant conflict between internal and external constraints. Feminist authors such as Mary Daly, Marilyn Frye and Kate Millet wrote books on how women have been conditioned in their thinking by men, therefore cannot have their own desires. Feminists agree that women are deprived of their free will because men treat them as robots and this changes a woman’s personality. Based on the books of these three authors there is many things to conclude about the self. The self is aware of its interests, it is altered because of the interference of male domination and the only way to really have a true self is to fight against those social effects of domination. A woman must understand the changes they are going through by men in society in order to reveal the self. I believe that if someone is constantly thinking that there are outside forces that disable form being they they must change that. If the male society undermines women, and women continue to accept it then they are not following their own desires. One must understand the constraints that they are dealing with in order to make independent choices to be liberated.

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The Impact of Ethics on Decision Making   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ferrel and Gardiner (1991) say there are two criteria to ethical choices on top of being legal. The first being; â€Å"One does not infringe on the basic inalienable human rights – such as life, freedom of speech and privacy, due process – recognized by our society (ethical formalism).† Basically stating the respect of others should be considered in all decisions. The second states each person should strive towards an increase in self-esteem and mental health. Maintaining self-respect should be thought of in the decision making process.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  We all face decisions in every day life, some appear obvious and easy while others do not. People are always struggling with their ethics during the decision making process. There are those who do not how to decided which is ethical or not. I found an â€Å"Ethics Quick Test† from the Online Ethics for Engineering and Science page (2002), which provides seven things, to check in order to examine the ethical implications toward a person decisions: 1)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Is the action legal? 2)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Does it comply with your understanding of our values? 3)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  If you do it, will you feel bad? 4)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  How will it look in the newspaper? 5)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  If you know it is wrong, do not do it. 6)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  If you are not sure, ask. 7)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Keep asking until you get an answer. Even though this information pertains to a specific topic it can also be used in everyday life. Everyone should be able to look at a c...